| Journal of Hyper(+)drome.Manifestation |
|
Samizdat.net
: a simulacrum of underground resistance?<
|
|
by
Sandrine Dincki
|
|
Cyberspace
offers a new venue for marginalized groups with alternative political
views to express their concerns and mobilize citizens. Activist web
sites are mushrooming in France. Those who are explicitly fighting globalization
are starting to gain visibility in the media as the coverage of anti-globalization
movements[0] and actions
in general is steadily increasing, signaling a growing concern about
globalization in mainstream French society. Despite the nascent visibility
of activist web sites, there is not much evidence that these sites are
successful in mobilizing citizens to effect change.
In order to address this question, I have decided to explore a vibrant site, samizdat.net, which defines itself as a political collective in the alternative communication area, particularly via the net. This collective is engaged in fighting neo-liberal capitalist ideals, and the domination of global media via a number of activities that I describe at length in this study. This study will be informed by Manuel Castells's perspective on the network society. His perspective is especially relevant because it addresses the disconnect between the global order and real life experience. I explore how samizdat.net, via its virtual existence, seeks to re-establish a connection between these two areas. |
| ||||||
Castells describes at length the advent of the network society, the global society we live in now. He explains that it emerged from three main phenomena: 1) the rapid development of information technologies that led to the proliferation of transactions globally and in real time and to countless flows of information, 2) the cultural and social movements of the 60s that questioned traditions, if they did not in fact dissolved them, and 3) the restructuring of capitalism and the state in the 80s that freed capital from restraint. One of his main arguments is that, within the context of the network society, there is a tension between what he calls the “space of flows” and the “space of places” to the benefit of the “space of flows”. The space of places is the space in which we live, work and travel. This space is grounded in temporality and physicality. It is the space of real human experience, where social values and cultural traditions are enacted. In contrast the space of flows refers to the areas created by flows of information. This is a global space, timeless, which, although it is still informed by the situated social values of the global decision-makers to a certain extent, is less and less connected to the localized space of places. Although Castells considers that the network society has an extraordinary dynamism and has the potential to better our lives, he is also concerned that this society may lead to more inequality, exclusion and crime. In the network society, decisions are usually made at the global level, driven by capitalistic values, namely, economic value, and as a result that society tends to exclude everything and everyone that has no such value. Moreover, to Castells, the network society calls into question the processes of construction of identity for social actors. This is a source of concern since the notion of identity is at the heart of social demands and desire for social change. We are currently experiencing new forms of social change because the rules of the games have changed. Two new factors must be taken into account: 1) the disjunction between the notions of global and local, and 2) the separation between power and experience in different time-space frames. These two factors partially explain the tension between the space of flows and the space of places that I mentioned earlier. Furthermore, the way identity is constructed is a matter of social context; it is a situated process. The fact that the space of places (i.e., traditional space of social context) is losing ground in the face of the space of flows begs the question: what new processes will emerge regarding the construction and maintenance of a collective identity? Castells contends that “civil societies shrink & disarticulate because there is no continuity between the logic of power-making in global networks and the logic of association and representation in specific societies and cultures". [1] What will then take over the role of civil societies? In an attempt to uncover the processes at work in the construction of identity in the network society, Castells offers the following typology:
Castells
is particularly interested in the notion of project identity
and he hypothetizes that "subjects, if and when constructed, are
no longer built on the basis of civil society, but as a prolongation
of communal resistance".[4]
The choice of the name, samizdat.net, evidently reflects the values to which this collective abides. It is therefore illuminating to offer a brief account of what Samizdat was in order to better understand the collective’s position, especially regarding: 1) publishing, 2) social consciousness, 3) commercialism, and 4) censorship. Publishing Samizdat refers to a system by which censored literature was clandestinely printed and distributed in the Soviet Union and its orbit countries. The term was coined in the late 50s, but the system really spread in the late 60s, after the end of Khrushchev’s rule. Samizdat literally means self-publishing but its meaning was extended to publishing “not necessarily of my own work, but of my own free will, without begging for permission".[5] Samizdat.net’s perspective on publishing is clearly derived from the former perspective, but also reflects current concerns on issues such as the free circulation of knowledge and copyright. These concerns are explicitly addressed on the web site under the section “COPYRIGHT ET COPYLEFT SUR SAMIZDAT.NET".[6] The collective claims that: “We are by definition opposed to anything that could limit the free circulation of knowledge and cultures, and therefore, to all forms of private appropriation of intellectual creations".[7] However, samizdat.net does not embrace the extreme “no copyright” perspective which it views as dangerous as it could lead to private appropriation and unwanted commercial use. Instead, it recommends to use copyleft[8] licenses for software production, and free copy verbatim[9] for texts that wouldn’t benefit from modifications (e.g., opinion pieces).[10] The collective’s strong stance on the issues of free circulation of knowledge and copyright is one of the ways it positions itself against the domination of commercial interests in French society, and more broadly against neo-liberal globalization. Social consciousness Back to the historical Samizdat, there was more to the system than the notion of self-publication. As the Samizdat system developed, it “was transformed from an incidental use of forbidden information to a form expressing social consciousness when it began to grow into an independent area of culture that saw itself not as a corrective or a supplement to official Soviet culture but as a self-contained and singularly original sphere for the realization of society’s spiritual and intellectual life".[11] Undoubtedly samizdat.net seeks to express a form of social consciousness. However, instead of focusing on society’s “spiritual and intellectual life”, it puts the emphasis on the political realm, and particularly the political impact of communication technologies. Samizdat.net presents itself as “a political collective in the alternative communication area, particularly via the net".[12] Moreover, in a section dedicated to free software, under the heading L'Esprit du Libre (The Spirit of Freedom), the collective states: "Because we believe that access to information and knowledge is one of the major social challenges today, the spirit of free software seems to be politically apt. Where there are many (on the left) who call for state intervention, or refer to the myth of the new “welfare state” to satisfy fundamental social needs, free software is proof that a model combining communal practices and individual initiative, economic compatibility and social utility, is possible and offers the outlines for a concrete utopia".[13] While this statement reinforces the views expressed about copyright, the rejection of government intervention also makes explicit samizdat.net’s libertarian position. The notions of communal practices are also mirrored by the site’s activities. These activities include:
Commercialism Given
its clandestine status and social “mission”, Samizdat
had no commercial interests, but also no position towards the issue
of commercialism given the political context in which it was operating
(i.e., Soviet regime). The situation is different for samizdat.net.
The publishing mechanisms and the values they abide to regarding publishing
(i.e., copyleft or free copy verbatim) reflect their desire to resist
actively what has become a commercial/consumerist society, and thus
capitalism. Their strategy (free circulation of knowledge, free software,
etc.) is typical of a libertarian organization. Censorship An important
function for Samizdat was to circumvent censorship in order
to spread ideas unacceptable to authorities, but that represented
a source of hope for the citizens repressed by the Soviet regime.
Of course, the major difference today is that there is no such explicit
censorship from the government authorities. The collective is free
to express its views in the open; it is very unlikely to be sanctioned.
But samizdat.net faces another powerful form of censorship exercised
by the mainstream media. Whether they choose to ignore or to distort
the views expressed by alternative collectives such as samizdat.net,
the mainstream media can effectively censor these collectives. Which
in fact they do since they are driven by commercial interests, and
would clearly not benefit from promoting views that may upset the
existing order and their own power.
In
order to assess whether samizdat.net is an “independent area of
culture” and a “self-contained sphere” (a question
that was raised in the previous section), a tour of samizdat.net’s
web site and an exploration of its sphere are in order. Samizdat could
be defined as a portal to alternative voices, but the term is not really
apt because of its commercial connotation. The term hub is probably
more adequate. An
examination of the homepage shows that samizdat.net dedicates most of
the space on its homepage to alternative news. In brief, the page is
divided into three main segments. I will elaborate on the different
segments in subsequent sections. But to summarize, the left column provides
news bites selected by the collective, about groups adhering to similar
views and/or actions/events organized by these groups. It is updated
several times a month. The column in the center displays links to news
bites provided by Hacktivist News Services Reloaded[15],an
alternative news service that is an offshoot of the initial entity samizdat.net.
The links appear to be updated several times a week.
News from samizdat.net
Most news are about organizations/groups that have a presence on the net but are grounded in the real world for action. Some of the groups are oriented toward resistance and raising awareness about marginalized groups, while the others tend to focus more on alternatives to the existing orders (in other words they are more constructive in terms of social change). The resistance-oriented groups are Act-Up, the Collectif Contre le Publisexisme (CCP), and the Observatoire du Droit des Usagers (ODU). Act-Up is an organization fighting AIDS; it is the organizer of the Journée Mondiale de Lutte contre le SIDA[16], an event taking place in Paris on 12/01/03. It is currently facing financial difficulties because it no longer benefits from state funding, and is calling for donations from the public. This organization is fairly well-known in mainstream French society. The CCP is a feminist collective fighting the objectification of women in advertising. Its new site is hosted by samizdat.net. The collective’s activities include culture jam types of actions.[17] Given its scope, this collective is unlikely to have any significant impact. However, it signals the existence of an active resistance to patriarchalism. The ODU focuses on the rights of the less privileged, and it is concerned with exposing what it views as unfair practices in the social realm: women’s rights, rights for the unemployed etc. It is often involved in organizing demonstrations aiming at voicing their concerns, but there is no evidence that there is a significant participation to these demonstrations. It does reflect a widespread trait in French society though: the attachment to its rights (which once they are acquired should not be taken away). On the other hand, the alternative-oriented groups are the Forum Social Libertaire, the Métallos MédiasLab and Gisti. The Forum Social Libertaire[18] is an aggregate of libertarian groups from both France and Italy. Its social project emphasizes egalitarianism, cooperation and freedom and it follows the libertarian ideology in its rejection of capitalism, patriarchalism, statism, xenophobic nationalism, militarism, sexism, productivism and religion. It was recently involved in the Salon du Livre Anarchiste[19] that took place in Paris in November. The Métallos MédiasLab describes itself as a laboratory for alternative media, offers (non-virtual) workshops, and is present online via a wiki system.[20] It is currently working on a counter summit Wsis? We Seize[21] in reaction to the World Summit on Information Society (WSIS) taking place in Geneva in December, where it intends to promote new forms of communication, but probably within its own community. This counter-summit is being organized via the internet but will also take place in Geneva. This group embodies the libertarian computing community and reflects samizdat.net concern about communication technologies (described in the previous section “samizdat.net and the historical samizdat”). Gisti[22] is an organization that defends Aliens rights in a very pragmatic way. It provides free legal service to aliens from its offices in Paris, and offers legal publications and basic legal training. Recently movements defending illegal aliens have gained a lot of visibility in the French media, but haven’t gained the sympathy of the French population. Gisti’s pragmatic approach is more likely to be effective in helping the immigrant marginalized group, although it can only have a limited impact due to the limited resources of Gisti. To the exception of Act-Up, all these groups exist in the margins of mainstream French society and one gets the sense that they mostly preach to the choir. News from Hacktivist News (HNS) HNS lives to its word "Don't hate the media. Become the media" and its mission is to provide space for news and alerts from activist groups. Groups submit news that are reviewed by HNS’ staff before being published. News submission is made easy thanks to a user-friendly web-based interface. News mostly consist in calls for action. Alerts are news bites designed to raise awareness about unfair, worrisome incidents that would not be publicized otherwise in mainstream media. The groups publishing news are the usual suspects, that is, the same groups as those promoted by samizdat.net in its own news section. Navigation - Services The navigation bar on the right column points to services provided by samizdat.net (and described in more details in the previous section), as well as to mailing lists moderated by the collective and to web sites affiliated with the collective. The affiliated web sites are dedicated for the most part to media analysis and criticism.[23] The agenda (calendar) is a very popular feature. It enables groups to post events categorized as follows: workshops, concerts, conferences, counter-summits, forums, actions, demonstrations, screenings, general meetings and shows. Like HNS’s interface, its interface is user-friendly and requires little computing expertise to post events. The groups posting events are again the usual suspects, typically those promoted on samizdat.net’s homepage or publishing news via HNS.
To reiterate Castells’ perspective, resistance identity basically consists in the exclusion of the excluders by the excluded and entails the reversal of the dominating value judgments as well as the reinforcement of the boundaries between excluders and excluded. Arguably, samizdat.net is engaged in resistance identity. The reversal of value judgments translates through samizdat.net’s publishing philosophy, namely, a commitment to share texts and software freely, and to publish solely texts that are outside of the mainstream media realm. It also shows through its deliberate choice to only give a voice to alternative groups that are usually viewed as marginal groups, because they promote values that go against the status quo and could be threatening to the established order (i.e., global capitalism, statism, patriarchalism). More generally, samizdat.net’s libertarian ideology is in direct conflict with the dominant order. The reinforcement of the boundaries occurs in parallel to the assertion of these reversed value judgments, thus leading to an independent area of culture and a self-contained sphere. In other words, samizdat.net functions within its own universe to a certain extent. Although it seeks to promote actions in the real world, these actions appear to be confined within a parallel self-contained social sphere. Despite these limitations, I would argue that there is potential for the collective to reach out and maybe create ripple effects within French society at large, thus moving into the realm of project identity in order to effect change. The reason for this optimistic assertion is that samizdat.net and some of its affiliates also display strong ties with the international libertarian community. The frequent use of English on these sites (the motto “Don’t hate the media. Become the media” is particularly notable) as well as the way it promotes free software sites based in the US demonstrates that there is a global dimension to the collective’s identity, as it strongly relates to the US libertarian computing community that created the Internet. I believe that this community (that embraces egalitarian values) has a significant, albeit elusive, influence on society globally. The collective has the potential to leverage this global dimension in order to widen the scope of its appeal and to mobilize individuals outside of its current French libertarian sphere. I see this as appealing because it is a way to reconnect the space of flows to the space of places, and hopefully to subordinate the former to the latter. It is important to note that this study is only exploratory. Further investigation is needed in order to address specifically how the collective is attempting to reappropriate the media in order to fight corporate global media. Bourdieu’s perspective on the French media seems to be especially appropriate to address this issue. Finally, an exhaustive exploration of French cyberactivism will be helpful so as to assess whether cyberactivism has indeed the potential to mobilize citizens against the threats of globalization.
[0] The term anti-globalization is misleading in English. There is a growing tendency to use the term “altermondialiste” instead of “anti-mondialiste”. Altermondialiste literally refers to an alternative global world; it does not have the connotation of total rejection without any alternative solution that it has in English. [1] The Power of Identity, p11. [2] Ibid., p9. [3] Let’s note that “the subject is not the individual, but a collective social actor through which individuals reach holistic meaning in their experience”. Ibid., pp9-10. [4] Ibid., p11. [5] Balasz, Sharon (2000). Samizdat and the Internet – A comparison. Retrieved from http://www.slis.ualberta.ca/issues/sbalazs/samizdat.htm [6] http://infos.samizdat.net/article.php3?id_article=82 [7] My translation [8] Copyleft: principle underlying the system of free software licenses for the GNU project – uses copyright rules to guarantee: freedom of use, freedom of reproduction, freedom of modification (which presupposes access to sources), and freedom to diffuse the modified versions as long as these are under the copyleft rules as well. [9] Free copy verbatim: free integral reproduction, without modification, and including a notice about free reproduction. [10] The possibility to resort to illegal copy is also mentioned for particular cases: it is acceptable to consider the right to copy over the right to intellectual property, as defined in commercial law. This is the case when a member of the organization is interviewed. There is a “moral” right the views expressed belong to the member. [11] Meerson-Aksenov, Michael. “The dissident movement and samizdat. The political, social and religious thought of Russian samizdat - an anthology.Eds. Michael Meerson-Aksenov and Boris Shragin. Belmont, MA: Nordland Publishing, 1977. [12] My translation http://samizdat.net/racine/association_reloaded.html [13] My translation http://infos.samizdat.net/article.php3?id_article=81 [14] e.g., information about former Psdt. Mitterrand’s cancer that appeared on the net although it was confidential. [15] http://www.hns-info.net [16] Worldwide Fight AIDS Day [17] For instance, making stickers available to anyone interested. These stickers carry a message about sexism in advertising. The organizers expect that these will be apposed onto outdoors advertisements that appear to objectify women. [18] http://fsl-sla.eu.org [19] Event dedicated to anarchist writings. [20] Very similar to a blog and operating via free software. [21] http://www.geneva03.org [22] http://www.gisti.org [23] Acrimed is a very interesting site. It provides thorough and up-to-date analyses of the coverage of issues in mainstream media that are central to samizdat’s concerns and raison d’être. About the author: Sandrine Dincki is a doctoral candidate in Communication & Rhetoric at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute. Her research focuses on cyberactivism. She can be reached at dincks@rpi.edu.
| |||||||
|
Samizdat.net : a
simulacrum of underground resistance? by Sandrine Dincki |
|